"Somos Desplazados:" El Crucero, US-Colombia FTA and Displacement

A portion of collectively owned land in Lower Calima, Buenaventura has yet to be rightfully returned to the Afro-Colombian Crucado community living at the 9.5 kilometer mark. This territory is slated as a mega port expansion project, Agua-Dulce. In spite of constitutional rights, under Colombian Law 70 of 1993, which provides for the protection of ancestral territory of Afro-descendants, guarantees investment in local economic development, and affords protection of Afro-Colombian cultural identity and civil rights; the community faces a critical situation.

On February 7, 2012, our Witness for Peace delegation visited with some of the 468 community members who are seeking humanitarian justice and the legal right to their territory. These community members invited us into their home to share their stories and struggles. Among the struggle to maintain their cultural identity and territorial land, the community has faced a multitude of devastating forces such as a lack of jobs, loss of subsistence crops due to flooding and fumigation, and the invasion of multi-national corporate interests into their rich and bio-diverse land. The area is a prime target for expansion of the Buenaventura port in order to support the anticipated increase in imports and exports under the recently ratified Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

For example, traditional artisanal gold mining is currently jeopardized as big mining companies are coming in with heavy machinery and hiring workers from outside the area. Armed actors looking to exploit resources and use of heavy-duty chemicals in the modern mining process pose serious dangers to the livelihoods of the El Crucero community. Furthermore, the expansion of the port infrastructure is proceeding without the proper consultation of the Afro-Colombian community and with total disregard for the rights guaranteed under both national (Law 70, 21) and international law (Universal Declaration of Human Rights; American Convention Human Rights; International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, ILO Convention; UN Guiding Princples on Internal Displacement). The situation is dire. Many community members have been displaced from their homes and are unable to work their own land. They are barely surviving.

Although this community has some legal assistance provided by human rights organization Justice and Peace, they are up against wealthy multi-nationals who use tricky tactics to make it look like they are abiding by the law. They have met with community leaders but, according to the community members with whom we met, these meetings are superficial and intended to avoid the consequences of a 'real' meeting, in which the whole community is consulted. Multi-nationals also employ the 'divide and conquer' strategy by providing some jobs to workers in the community, which has the potential to pit those with jobs against those without (even though those with jobs can be fired at anytime and replaced by outsiders).

A recent development in struggle for their territory was unsuccessful in producing results desperately needed by the displaced people of El Crucero. The community called a meeting to request an update of a previous consultation in which the legal [land titling] process was under evaluation. They demanded that all development of the Agua Dulce mega project stop while the land titling issue is sorted out. Their request was ignored; the project has not stopped.

The abuse of human rights of Afro-decendants in Colombia is a legacy of colonialism which led to racism and the enslavement of Africans in the Americas. Although the Afro-decendants where liberated in 1852, they still remained victims of structural discrimination and racism. In 1959, the Colombian state deemed Afro-Colombian's and Native American's ancestral territory to be wastelands and therefore State property. This denied them their common law property rights. Today, the Afro-Colombians have the so called protection of the law in accordance with the International Convention to end all forms of racial discrimination (Law 22) but the denial that human right violations exist and the lack of reparation for the victims of violence and displacement is pervasive in Colombia. This situation makes these already vulnerable populations the perfect targets for further exploitation under the auspices of Free Trade and neo-liberal development policies.

Our delegation members shared these stories with the U.S. embassy. We asked that the embassy human rights department put pressure on the Colombian government to uphold both national and international law. Our demands as U.S. citizens, concerned about the violations occurring in a country with whom we are supporting through military assistance and trade agreements, echoed the demands of the displaced Crucero community: we asked that the development stop until their is resolution in which the territory is rightfully returned to the Afro-Colombian community. Additionally, prior to any development in the Afro-Colombian territories the community ought to be consulted according to the Law of Black Communities (Law 70).

Out of the Sugar Cane Abyss

On day two, at 4 o'clock in the morning, it is still dark in Cali. Eager to start our delegation off strong, we pile into the van for our first official accompaniment: a union meeting held by the sugar cane cutters (coteros) in the town center of Yakari. As we drive through the lush Andean valley flanked by the central and western mountain ranges, I can see, in my minds eye, the massive swaths of monoculture made up of sugar cane.

These fields are where the sugar cane cutters, many of them of Afro-Colombian descent and indigenous men, who have fled from Nariño and Cauca where threats of violence are commonplace, toil in harsh conditions seven days a week. On average, the workers earn less than the national minimum wage while sugar cane refineries (ingenios) are reaping the benefits of a growing sector.

Since Colombia saw the success Brazil had with sugar cane based ethanol, President Uribe, who was in office from 2002-2010, and operated under a neo-liberal development model, passed an ethanol bill which gives tax incentives in free trade zones for ethanol production. Although the incentives supposedly had a two pronged economic rationale: to promote job growth and to avoid consequences of 'peak oil' (which Colombia reached close to two decades ago), the sugar cane workers have yet to see many benefits.

The fight for these benefits has not been without significant obstacles. On the bus ride to the union meeting, Alberto, who works with the sugar cane cutters union, explained the plight of these men and the labor organizers. Four years ago when the cutters went on strike to demand fair wages, direct contracts, and job stability along with other labor rights, they were repressed by the government. Four of the six strike supporters were accused of "conspiring to commit a crime, sabotage and inflicting harm" and that there was also a FARC (Colombia's armed leftist group - the guerillas) presence in the strike. In addition to the legal proceedings lingering for years, the legitimacy of sugar cane union and labor rights movement suffered because of these false accusations.


Although the sugar cane cutters and other historically exploited sectors have support in promoting thier labor rights under the "Labor Action Plan" (an agreement within the newly ratified Free Trade Agreement with the U.S.), the prevelant exploitation of labor goes virtually unpunished. Many of these workers still do not have direct contracts, fair wages, freedom from threats for organizing and job security, as directed under the Labor Action Plan.

In an effort to put pressure on the U.S. and Colombian government in addition to witnessing and standing in solidarity with the sugar cane cutters, our delegation arrived in our blue Witness for Peace t-shirts at the meeting in Yakari. It was still dark as the men gathered around the town square. They arrived in their tattered beige work clothes with red sweat rags around their necks. These rags have come to represent the corteros and are a powerful symbol of unity. In spite of a long day ahead of the men, they were enthusiastically rallying as union leaders and supporters encouraged them to keep fighting.


Our very own AFL-CIO sindicata, Jessica Hayssen from Minneapolis, Minnesota, delivered a message of solidarity backed by the workers in the states and across the globe who are in the struggle for labor rights. As I peered out into the crowd of battle-hardened faces, I saw glimpes of hope in the sugar cutters' eyes. The international attention is critical in helping them fight this battle.


As I stood with these men, I couldn't help but think about the women and children who are also in the fight along side thier husbands, fathers and brothers. Labor rights are not just about the workers. They affect families and families make up communities. The reality of the conditions faced by the workers directly impacts the health of thier communities.

Given the fact that most of the sugar produced in Colombia is for export and that the U.S. is seen as a lucrative market for sugar-cane based ethanol, we have an obligation to these workers. This obligation is not just for them, it is for the health of our global community. There is a saying in Spanish: "todos en la cama o todos en el piso," meaning if you're not part of the solution, you're part of the problem and that we are all in this together.

Galería de la Memoria Tiberio Fernandez Mafla

Katherine Soto Ospina, a vibrant and intelligent young Colombian, studied chemistry at the Universidad del Valle. Also a human rights advocate, she dreamt of being a teacher and working for justice and peace in her beloved Colombia. During our Witness for Peace delegation, "Women Leading the Way to Peace and Justice," we visited the memory gallery named after a priest who was massacred in Trujillo. We learned that Katherine´s dreams were taken from her when she was brutally murdered by the military. Her tragic death occured when she was visiting with a friend in San Cipriano near the port town of Buenaventura. Accused of being a guerilla, the military took her life and tried to steal her dignity by creating what human rights and social justice advocates call a false positive. This is a tactic used by military and paramilitary groups to justify murdering innocent people. For the families of those murdered and accused of being guerillas (or guerilla sympathizers), this makes an already unimaginable and unbearable situation even worse.

Although the work of investigating and recording information about crimes against humanity poses additional danger during an active conflict, there are groups who are working to construct an archive of testamonials and memories of victims. These testamonials and memory galleries help acheive justice through discovering and recording the truth. They are in the process of creating a collective memory so that the victims are not forgotten. Often victims of this public military violence are re-victimized by the imposed truth and the glorification of the perpetrators through military propoganda and campaigns such as "Heroes Exist." Generals are claiming that they are just completing their duties when accused of killing innocent bystanders. This is in the face of those suffering incredible loss who are fighting to denounce the victimizers and stop the widespread impunity.

Families of those killed or disappeared have reasonable requests and deserve justice. They seek holistic reparation in which: victimizers publically admit fault and publically admit who the victim actually is, instead of lies that attempt to legitamize the murder; they receive sufficient attention and efficient processing of the cases; perpetrators admit when the victims are actually killed for economic reasons; and the victimizers are held accountable for thier crimes against humanity.

We met Katherine´s mom who bravely shared her story in light of the harrassment she has endured. She told us that even though it has been four years since her daughter was murdered, it still feels like yesterday. She is one of many Colombians who are victims of this senseless war that disproportionately affects women. In addition to being vicimtimized, these people suffer from re-victimization by harrassement, threats and lack of justice.

There are people who say that situation in Colombia is complicated and that it is tricky to get at the root cause of the problems. I agree that are many layers of injustice that include actors with various motives. For certain, I have only scratched the surface of these issues myself. However, one does not have to look very hard to see that there is rampant corruption - among both the leftist´s who claim they are fighting for the campesinos and the disadvantaged, to the conservatives who claim they are opening up the country to multi-nationals to improve the economy and create jobs. Ultimately, it is about resources and land - Colombia is rich with resources that are ripe for exploitation. One thing that is clear to me: there is a lot of ancestoral territory in which people who have respected the earth and each other have lived for centuries. This is the terrority that contains oil, gold, coal and other biodiverse resources that are huge profit making opportunities for multi-nationals. In the end, it is not that hard to figure out why there is conflict.

A beautiful quote from the Memory Gallery Project:

"Del arból de la memoría contra el olvido y la impunidad, recogemos semillas de verdad, justicia y reparación integral."

"The tree of memory counters (fights) oblivian (loss of memory) and impunity, we collect seeds of truth, justice and holistic reparation."

You can learn more about the Memory Gallery here (in Spanish):

http://galeriadelamemoriatfm.blogspot.com/2011/12/galeria-de-la-memoria-tiberio-fernandez.html

Adelante Mujer

After six days on a Witness for Peace (WFP) Delegation, I am exhausted but realize what a small sacrifice I am making compared to those made by the people I have met along the journey. Waking up at 3 a.m. to join the sugar cane cutters union meeting and to meet women whose bodies have been militarized and violated repeatedly, is the least I can do to show that I stand in solidarity with them. These people and the reality of their struggles have had a profound impact on me; they have been so gracious in spite of everything they have endured. In addition, their courage in the face of imminent danger is an inspiration.

I made a commitment to tell their stories and to pressure the US government to stop funding the war on women, indigenous groups and Afro Colombians. They are victims of terrible injustice covered up by the Colombian government and by our elected officials in the US. To follow through on the action I am taking on this delegation, I am going to start telling my community (you) about this delegation. First, I will give a brief synopsis of what we did over the past six days and then I will write a blog entry describing each of the WFP partners, their struggles and how we can help in their struggle for justice. If you are moved by these groups and their stories, there are lots of things you can do such as going on a delegation yourself (which I highly encourage) or taking political action. I will happily share my personal action plan and the delegation action plan.

In just under a week, we have covered a lot of ground in Colombia and met with several groups who are working to improve the grave situation caused by an economic and political system that systematically marginalizes women, ethnic groups and campesinos. We started by joining the public services workers on their hunger strike in the town center in Cali. Then we attended a very strategic and important union meeting with the sugar cane cutters who are struggling to obtain fair and direct contracts with the richest sugar cane companies in Colombia. Next, we headed to the port of Buenaventura (a very dangerous place for union workers) and met with some women union workers who risk their lives as union organizers and leaders. While in Buenaventura we traveled to the Afro Colombian community whose territory has been co-opted (stolen/occupied) to make improvements for a port expansion in preparation for the US-Colombian Free Trade Agreement to take effect.

We talked with women who are leading the way to peace through powerful and symbolic action who have embraced feminism within the context of their culture and lives. After a 2 hour ride on a gravel road and a white knuckle boat ride up river we visited an indigenous village. We met the village leaders and some of the families who had been displaced from their home on the Calima river. They lived as a peaceful and cooperative egalitarian community in harmony with the earth until they were forced to move into the city of Buena Ventura. Yesterday, we interviewed the head of gender issues for a major union conglomerate in Colombia and discussed the poor outlook for women in a patriarchal society that does not respect them as equal human beings. While meeting with the union representative, we were called to accompany a protest of Drummond coal miners. These men are exploited in every way and treated like slaves. We wanted to accompany them in the Plaza de Simon Bolivar near the presidential palace because they were getting harassed by the police.

Tomorrow we visit the flower workers who will share their stories about their working conditions and struggles. Most of them are women and many single mothers. The majority of the flowers that are purchased for Valentine's day in the US are imported from Colombia. To wrap up our delegation, we will meet with the Human Rights Attache at the US Embassy. During this meeting we will share what we learned on our delegation and insist that they take action to improve the situation for Colombians.

Nonam Indigenous Women on Lower Calima River

Cartagena, Colombia: A glance through my eyes

Vendedora

Los Bailarines de Cumbia

Costeños

Fried Fish with Lime and Yucca, Comida Típica

"Careful with the hole"

Los Niños de Getsemaní.

Alto y Bajo

Amigos.

Taking it Easy, Cartagena Style

Una Rumba en La Calle.

Serious Baseball Fans

Getsemaní Baseball

Worship Time

A taste of Bogotá graffiti

"The food we eat, the water we drink comes from the earth"

Yes we can ladies!

Tribute to Indigenas de Colombia

Etched graffiti

"Take care of everyone´s human rights."

"Enough! No more violence against women!"

"No USA-Colombia Free Trade Agreement"

"Nobody wins"

"Stop the armed voilence"

Assasination Cradel

Medellín was the cocaine capital of the world in the 80´s and 90´s. It is estimated that Pablo Escobar´s cartel provided 90 percent of the cocaine exports from Latin America. Coca leaves, grown in Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador are processed in Medellín into an enticing addictive white powder and then trafficked via sophisticated smuggling methods. Most of the shipments went to the US in response to the growing appetite for the glamorous drug.

During its darkest days, Medellín was named the most murderous city in the world. People were murdered in the streets, shopping malls, police stations and in airplanes on an all too regular basis--so much so that burying loved ones became a normal part of Colombian´s lives. The people who suffered the most, not surprisingly, were the poor who lived in barrios. These slums became a breeding ground for recruits for the cartel´s army. Young boys with no other opportunities were perfect victims for these powerful organized criminals.

Except for some famous sites seized by the government and occasional bullet holes scattered buildings, the traces of this shawody and violent history, which most Paisas would rather forget, are not easy to find on the surface. Medellin´s renaissance is in part thanks to a paisa president and more likely due to innovative public and civic policy. Since Pablo Escobar was killed in his non-descript suburban home, Medellin has cleaned up its act. The city is a clean modern metropolis home to beautiful parks, museums and state of the art buildings.

Visiting the barrios, which is a pleasant ride on the recently installed metro cable is something that outsiders did not dare six or seven years ago. Everyone with whom I visited in this part of Medellín say it is like a different world now. However, they were quick to warn extranjeros that it is not safe to leave the area patrolled by police. There are still plenty of robbers who are quick to take advantage of tourists carrying money and expensive cameras. While no longer the 'assasination cradle', the area has a long way to go in terms of development and safety.



I found this area to be the most alive and real part of Medellín, especially when contrasted with the sterilized wealthy part of town, El Poblado, where most travelers stay because of the lack of any other option. The barrios are bustling with kids riding down steep hills on a single roller skate, vendors peddling refreshing sugar cane lime drinks, workers loading mules with cinder blocks, and old men sharing stories over a cup of coffee and cigarette.

We met a well versed barrio kid who offered to tell us 'la historia' and help us find a place to eat. "La nueva bibloteca cuesta sies milliones dolares...." the story began. Jogan recalled when he was just three years old how dangerous the streets where in his neighborhood, as he pointed his fingers in the shape of a guns. Jogan is nine years old. That was a powerful reminder of how little time had passed since the place in which we were enjoying a meal was a murderous zone where the poor were terrorized and held hostage in their own homes by the cartels.

Coconut Bombs

Our journey started in Bogota, a city with a rich and tumultuous history buzzing with beautiful people, art and culture. We landed at 6 a.m. and hopped in a cab to Platypus, one of the first hostels in the colonial center of town called La Calendaria. Much to our chagrin, they had no room at the inn. Ambitious, we thought that we could hang out in their communal space until some travelers checked out. We just needed to hold on for a few hours. We quickly realized that we could not endure the hard furniture and chilly air for four hours, no way. A serious lack of sleep and stiff bodies called for immediate attention. Luckily, the hostel right across the street had a room for us and they were gracious enough to let us check in a few hours earlier than normal. We crashed. It felt so good to lay our heads down.

After the much needed snooze, we went on our first 'wander about.' Among the most striking characteristics of La Calendaria is the brightly colored colonial architecture with clay tile rooftops and cobbled streets. This area is also know for its ubiquitous and thought provoking graffiti. Clever artists communicate their contempt for the seemingly unending struggles people face by making ordinary objects and symbols into powerful statements. A pineapple, when you look closely, is actually a grenade and people are depicted throwing coconut bombs. Most of the graffiti is an amazing display of artistic talent while some of the graffiti is down right blatant and angry. Understandably so. On a church located near the presidential palace in the town center, a tagger wrote "el estato y la religion la misma mierda son." The corruption runs deep and the people are frustrated and tired.

We were privy to an apartment in the North, which is where the wealthy people live. Even though I know this to be true, it is still disturbing to see the stratification between the rich and the poor. On the way to North Bogota from La Candelaria, we saw where the poor live - in the slums. The shanty houses are stacked on top of each other on the side of a steep hill making up what they call the barrios. The place that, we were told by locals, there is no reason to visit. The people from these areas come on horse drawn trailers to pick stuff from the garbage. They find items like cardboard and plastic to recycle for money.

In spite of the struggles and the stratification, Bogotanos have been nothing but kind and hospitable to us. We feel safe and welcome in this big city.

We´re leaving here for Medellin, the city of eternal spring, in two days but look forward to a few more days in Bogota on Scotty's way out.